Click *H for Haydock Commentary. *Footnote for footnote etc.
Click any word in Latin Greek or Hebrew to activate the parser. Then click on the display to expand the parser.
* Footnotes
- A.M. 3864, A.C. 140.
*H And king Antiochus, the son of Demetrius, sent letters from the isles of the sea to Simon, the priest, and prince of the nation of the Jews, and to all the people:
Ver. 1. Demetrius. Soter, and brother of Nicator, (C.) now a captive. W. — When the latter went beyond the Euphrates, he wandered for fear of Tryphon, till he found rest at Rhodes, where he heard of his brother's misfortune, and was invited by his wife to marry her. He therefore took the title of king, when he wrote to Simon from the isle of Rhodes. Soon after he landed (C.) at Seleucia, and married Cleopatra, who was indignant that her husband had taken to wife the daughter of Mithridates. Just. xxxvi. — Tryphon's adherents flocked to him: exolescente favore recentis imperii. Trog. xxxix. Eus. — Demetrius was styled Sidetes, either because he came from Side, in Pamphylia, or because he was fond of "hunting." Yet his medals have, "Euergetes." Vaillant, Usher, A. 3864. C. — Prince. Gr. "Ethnarch." H. — Josephus often uses this title for an independent prince, beneath the dignity of a king. C.
*H And the contents were these: King Antiochus to Simon, the high priest, and to the nation of the Jews, greeting.
Ver. 2. And to. Gr. properly adds, "and Ethnarch, and to," &c.
*H Forasmuch as certain pestilent men have usurped the kingdom of our fathers, and my purpose is to challenge the kingdom, and to restore it to its former estate; and I have chosen a great army, and have built ships of war.
Ver. 3. Pestilent; disturbers of the peace, (H.) like Alexander, Antiochus, and Tryphon.
*H Now, therefore, I confirm unto thee all the oblations which all the kings before me remitted to thee, and what other gifts soever they remitted to thee:
Ver. 5. Oblations, such as were presented to the Lord, or remittances. He is very liberal of what he could not get back.
*H And I give thee leave to coin thy own money in thy country:
Ver. 6. Money. He supposed that Simon would have his own image on it. But we find no human figure on the coins which he sent out during the first four years, but only vessels, trees, inscriptions, &c. Afterwards he seems to had desisted, either (as some suppose) because it was not conformable to the law, or because he found it brought no profit to the state.
* Footnotes
- A.M. 3865, A.C. 139.
*H And king Antiochus pursued after him, and he fled along by the sea coast and came to Dora.
Ver. 11. Dora, to the south of Carmel. Tryphon had first tried the fortune of a battle. C.
* Summa
*S Part 3, Ques 83, Article 11
[II-II, Q. 83, Art. 11]
Whether the Saints in Heaven Pray for Us?
Objection 1: It would seem that the saints in heaven do not pray for us. A man's action is more meritorious for himself than for others. But the saints in heaven do not merit for themselves, neither do they pray for themselves, since they are already established in the term. Neither therefore do they pray for us.
Obj. 2: Further, the saints conform their will to God perfectly, so that they will only what God wills. Now what God wills is always fulfilled. Therefore it would be useless for the saints to pray for us.
Obj. 3: Further, just as the saints in heaven are above, so are those in Purgatory, for they can no longer sin. Now those in Purgatory do not pray for us, on the contrary we pray for them. Therefore neither do the saints in heaven pray for us.
Obj. 4: Further, if the saints in heaven pray for us, the prayers of the higher saints would be more efficacious; and so we ought not to implore the help of the lower saints' prayers but only of those of the higher saints.
Obj. 5: Further, the soul of Peter is not Peter. If therefore the souls of the saints pray for us, so long as they are separated from their bodies, we ought not to call upon Saint Peter, but on his soul, to pray for us: yet the Church does the contrary. The saints therefore do not pray for us, at least before the resurrection.
_On the contrary,_ It is written (2 Macc. 15:14): "This is . . . he that prayeth much for the people, and for all the holy city, Jeremias the prophet of God."
_I answer that,_ As Jerome says (Cont. Vigilant. 6), the error of Vigilantius consisted in saying that "while we live, we can pray one for another; but that after we are dead, none of our prayers for others can be heard, seeing that not even the martyrs' prayers are granted when they pray for their blood to be avenged." But this is absolutely false, because, since prayers offered for others proceed from charity, as stated above (AA. 7, 8), the greater the charity of the saints in heaven, the more they pray for wayfarers, since the latter can be helped by prayers: and the more closely they are united to God, the more are their prayers efficacious: for the Divine order is such that lower beings receive an overflow of the excellence of the higher, even as the air receives the brightness of the sun. Wherefore it is said of Christ (Heb. 7:25): "Going to God by His own power . . . to make intercession for us" [*Vulg.: 'He is able to save for ever them that come to God by Him, always living to make intercession for us.']. Hence Jerome says (Cont. Vigilant. 6): "If the apostles and martyrs while yet in the body and having to be solicitous for themselves, can pray for others, how much more now that they have the crown of victory and triumph."
Reply Obj. 1: The saints in heaven, since they are blessed, have no lack of bliss, save that of the body's glory, and for this they pray. But they pray for us who lack the ultimate perfection of bliss: and their prayers are efficacious in impetrating through their previous merits and through God's acceptance.
Reply Obj. 2: The saints impetrate what ever God wishes to take place through their prayers: and they pray for that which they deem will be granted through their prayers according to God's will.
Reply Obj. 3: Those who are in Purgatory though they are above us on account of their impeccability, yet they are below us as to the pains which they suffer: and in this respect they are not in a condition to pray, but rather in a condition that requires us to pray for them.
Reply Obj. 4: It is God's will that inferior beings should be helped by all those that are above them, wherefore we ought to pray not only to the higher but also to the lower saints; else we should have to implore the mercy of God alone. Nevertheless it happens sometime that prayers addressed to a saint of lower degree are more efficacious, either because he is implored with greater devotion, or because God wishes to make known his sanctity.
Reply Obj. 5: It is because the saints while living merited to pray for us, that we invoke them under the names by which they were known in this life, and by which they are better known to us: and also in order to indicate our belief in the resurrection, according to the saying of Ex. 3:6, "I am the God of Abraham," etc. _______________________
TWELFTH
*H And Numenius, and they that had been with him, came from the city of Rome, having letters written to the kings, and countries, the contents whereof were these:
Ver. 15. Numenius. He had been sent to Rome almost two years before, and now brought letters not only to the Jews, but to various kings and nations in their behalf. W.
*H Lucius, the consul of the Romans, to king Ptolemee, greeting.
Ver. 16. Lucius, Calvus, or Philus, (Drus. Grot.) or Piso, (Usher. Sal. M.) whose colleague, Lenas, went against Numantia. C. — Ptolemee, surnamed Physcon, brother and successor of Philometor, (Ch.) in Egypt. H.
* Summa
*S Part 3, Ques 129, Article 3
[II-II, Q. 129, Art. 3]
Whether Magnanimity Is a Virtue?
Objection 1: It seems that magnanimity is not a virtue. For every moral virtue observes the mean. But magnanimity observes not the mean but the greater extreme: because the "magnanimous man deems himself worthy of the greatest things" (Ethic. iv, 3). Therefore magnanimity is not a virtue.
Obj. 2: Further, he that has one virtue has them all, as stated above (I-II, Q. 65, A. 1). But one may have a virtue without having magnanimity: since the Philosopher says (Ethic. iv, 3) that "whosoever is worthy of little things and deems himself worthy of them, is temperate, but he is not magnanimous." Therefore magnanimity is not a virtue.
Obj. 3: Further, "Virtue is a good quality of the mind," as stated above (I-II, Q. 55, A. 4). But magnanimity implies certain dispositions of the body: for the Philosopher says (Ethic. iv, 3) of "a magnanimous man that his gait is slow, his voice deep, and his utterance calm." Therefore magnanimity is not a virtue.
Obj. 4: Further, no virtue is opposed to another virtue. But magnanimity is opposed to humility, since "the magnanimous deems himself worthy of great things, and despises others," according to _Ethic._ iv, 3. Therefore magnanimity is not a virtue.
Obj. 5: Further, the properties of every virtue are praiseworthy. But magnanimity has certain properties that call for blame. For, in the first place, the magnanimous is unmindful of favors; secondly, he is remiss and slow of action; thirdly, he employs irony [*Cf. Q. 113] towards many; fourthly, he is unable to associate with others; fifthly, because he holds to the barren things rather than to those that are fruitful. Therefore magnanimity is not a virtue.
_On the contrary,_ It is written in praise of certain men (2 Macc. 15:18): "Nicanor hearing of the valor of Judas' companions, and the greatness of courage (_animi magnitudinem_) with which they fought for their country, was afraid to try the matter by the sword." Now, only deeds of virtue are worthy of praise. Therefore magnanimity which consists in greatness of courage is a virtue.
_I answer that,_ The essence of human virtue consists in safeguarding the good of reason in human affairs, for this is man's proper good. Now among external human things honors take precedence of all others, as stated above (A. 1; I-II, Q. 11, A. 2, Obj. 3). Therefore magnanimity, which observes the mode of reason in great honors, is a virtue.
Reply Obj. 1: As the Philosopher again says (Ethic. iv, 3), "the magnanimous in point of quantity goes to extremes," in so far as he tends to what is greatest, "but in the matter of becomingness, he follows the mean," because he tends to the greatest things according to reason, for "he deems himself worthy in accordance with his worth" (Ethic. iv, 3), since his aims do not surpass his deserts.
Reply Obj. 2: The mutual connection of the virtues does not apply to their acts, as though every one were competent to practice the acts of all the virtues. Wherefore the act of magnanimity is not becoming to every virtuous man, but only to great men. On the other hand, as regards the principles of virtue, namely prudence and grace, all virtues are connected together, since their habits reside together in the soul, either in act or by way of a proximate disposition thereto. Thus it is possible for one to whom the act of magnanimity is not competent, to have the habit of magnanimity, whereby he is disposed to practice that act if it were competent to him according to his state.
Reply Obj. 3: The movements of the body are differentiated according to the different apprehensions and emotions of the soul. And so it happens that to magnanimity there accrue certain fixed accidents by way of bodily movements. For quickness of movement results from a man being intent on many things which he is in a hurry to accomplish, whereas the magnanimous is intent only on great things; these are few and require great attention, wherefore they call for slow movement. Likewise shrill and rapid speaking is chiefly competent to those who are quick to quarrel about anything, and this becomes not the magnanimous who are busy only about great things. And just as these dispositions of bodily movements are competent to the magnanimous man according to the mode of his emotions, so too in those who are naturally disposed to magnanimity these conditions are found naturally.
Reply Obj. 4: There is in man something great which he possesses through the gift of God; and something defective which accrues to him through the weakness of nature. Accordingly magnanimity makes a man deem himself worthy of great things in consideration of the gifts he holds from God: thus if his soul is endowed with great virtue, magnanimity makes him tend to perfect works of virtue; and the same is to be said of the use of any other good, such as science or external fortune. On the other hand, humility makes a man think little of himself in consideration of his own deficiency, and magnanimity makes him despise others in so far as they fall away from God's gifts: since he does not think so much of others as to do anything wrong for their sake. Yet humility makes us honor others and esteem them better than ourselves, in so far as we see some of God's gifts in them. Hence it is written of the just man (Ps. 14:4): "In his sight a vile person is contemned [*Douay: 'The malignant is brought to nothing, but he glorifieth,' etc.]," which indicates the contempt of magnanimity, "but he honoreth them that fear the Lord," which points to the reverential bearing of humility. It is therefore evident that magnanimity and humility are not contrary to one another, although they seem to tend in contrary directions, because they proceed according to different considerations.
Reply Obj. 5: These properties in so far as they belong to a magnanimous man call not for blame, but for very great praise. For in the first place, when it is said that the magnanimous is not mindful of those from whom he has received favors, this points to the fact that he takes no pleasure in accepting favors from others unless he repay them with yet greater favor; this belongs to the perfection of gratitude, in the act of which he wishes to excel, even as in the acts of other virtues. Again, in the second place, it is said that he is remiss and slow of action, not that he is lacking in doing what becomes him, but because he does not busy himself with all kinds of works, but only with great works, such as are becoming to him. He is also said, in the third place, to employ irony, not as opposed to truth, and so as either to say of himself vile things that are not true, or deny of himself great things that are true, but because he does not disclose all his greatness, especially to the large number of those who are beneath him, since, as also the Philosopher says (Ethic. iv, 3), "it belongs to a magnanimous man to be great towards persons of dignity and affluence, and unassuming towards the middle class." In the fourth place, it is said that he cannot associate with others: this means that he is not at home with others than his friends: because he altogether shuns flattery and hypocrisy, which belong to littleness of mind. But he associates with all, both great and little, according as he ought, as stated above (ad 1). It is also said, fifthly, that he prefers to have barren things, not indeed any, but good, i.e. virtuous; for in all things he prefers the virtuous to the useful, as being greater: since the useful is sought in order to supply a defect which is inconsistent with magnanimity. _______________________
FOURTH
*H These same things were written to king Demetrius, and to Attalus, and to Ariarathes, and to Arsaces,
Ver. 22. Attalus, &c. Attalus was king of Pergamus, Ariarethes was king of Cappadocia, and Arsaces was king of the Parthians. Ch. — Demetrius was prisoner of the latter.
*H And to all the countries: and to Lampsacus and to the Spartans, and to Delus, and Myndus, and Sicyon, and Caria, and Samus, and Pamphylia, and Lycia, and Alicarnassus, and Cos, and Side, and Aradus, and Rhodes, and Phaselis, and Gortyna, and Gnidus, and Cyprus, and Cyrene.
Ver. 23. Lampsacus, in Mysia, a free city. — Delus, an island of great trade after the fall of Carthage. — Myndus, a port in Caria. — Sicyon, another in Achaia. — Samus, an independent and powerful island near Asia Minor. — Pamphylia, in Cilicia, beyond Taurus. — Lycia had been freed from the Rhodians, by the Romans. — Alicarnassus, an ancient town of Caria, opposite to the isle of Coo. — Side, in Pamphylia. v. 1. Grotius conjectures we should read, "Sidon." — Aradus, near the coasts of Syria. — Rhodes, famous for its Colossus. — Phaselis, a maritime town near Lycia. — Gortyna, a city of Crete, which was then an independent island. — Gnidus, an island near Rhodes. — Cyrene, a province of Egypt. It must then have been partly free, and in alliance with Rome.
*H And they wrote a copy thereof to Simon, the high priest, and to the people of the Jews.
Ver. 24. Simon, that he might know what they had done for him, and to whom he might apply for aid.
*H But king Antiochus moved his camp to Dora the second time, assaulting it continually, and making engines: and he shut up Tryphon, that he could not go out.
Ver. 25. Second. He had interrupted the siege, or made a fresh wall or attack.
*H And he would not receive them, but broke all the covenant that he had made with him before, and alienated himself from him.
Ver. 27. Not. Josephus seems to assert the contrary; observing that the king applied for aid, which was readily granted. Yet he soon forgot the favour, and sent Cendebeus against the Jews. He passes over the embassy of Athenobius. v. 28.
*H And he sent to him Athenobius, one of his friends, to treat with him, saying: You hold Joppe and Gazara, and the castle that is in Jerusalem, which are cities of my kingdom:
Ver. 28. Gazara. The edit. of Basle properly read, "Gadara."
*H Now, therefore, deliver up the cities that you have taken, and the tributes of the places whereof you have gotten the dominion without the borders of Judea.
Ver. 30. Taken, such as Joppe, the three governments, &c. C.
*H And as to thy complaints concerning Joppe and Gazara, they did great harm to the people, and to our country: yet for these we will give a hundred talents. And Athenobius answered him not a word.
Ver. 35. Talents. Simon subdued these two towns, because they attacked his country; but as they did not otherwise belong to him, he paid (W.) or offered to pay something for them. H. — Those of Joppe drowned two hundred Jews. 2 B. xii. What Gazara had done we know not. W.
*H And Tryphon fled away by ship to Orthosias.
Ver. 37. Orthosias, in Phœnicia, opposite to Aradus. Hence he fled to Apamea, (C.) strewing silver in the way to stop his pursuers. Front. ii. 13. — The city was however besieged, and he slew himself, (Strabo xiv.) or was slain after a reign of five years. Jos. Vaillant.
*H And the king appointed Cendebeus captain of the sea coast, and gave him an army of footmen and horsemen.
Ver. 38. Coast. This government was granted to Simon by young Antiochus. C. xi. 59.
*H And he commanded him to march with his army towards Judea: and he commanded him to build up Gedor, and to fortify the gates of the city, and to war against the people. But the king himself pursued after Tryphon.
Ver. 39. Gedor, near Jamnia. Gr. "Cedron," (C.) as also v. 40. formerly (H.) in the Vulg. A city was here repaired on the river Cedron. W. — Syr. "Hebron." — Fortify. Lit. "to block up." H. — But this is the import of the Greek. C. — Alex. MS. "to fortify cities." H. — Gates, or defiles. Grot.