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4:1 Simon autem praedictus, pecuniarum et patriae delator, male loquebatur de Onia, tamquam ipse Heliodorum instigasset ad haec, et ipse fuisset incentor malorum :
*H But Simon, of whom we spoke before, who was the betrayer of the money, and of his country, spoke ill of Onias, as though he had incited Heliodorus to do these things, and had been the promoter of evils:


Ver. 1. Evils. Thus traitors generally calumniate good governors. The best remedy on such occasions is to apply to those in higher power, rather than to the people, who are but too often prone to favour the factious. W.

Ὁ δὲ προειρημένος Σίμων ὁ τῶν χρημάτων καὶ τῆς πατρίδος ἐνδείκτης γεγονὼς, ἐκακολόγει τὸν Ὀνίαν, ὡς αὐτός τε εἴη τὸν Ἡλιόδωρον ἐπισεσεικὼς, καὶ τῶν κακῶν δημιουργὸς καθεστηκώς.
4:2 provisoremque civitatis, ac defensorem gentis suae, et aemulatorem legis Dei, audebat insidiatorem regni dicere.
*H And he presumed to call him a traitor to the kingdom, who provided for the city, and defended his nation, and was zealous for the law of God.


Ver. 2. To the. Gr. "of the affairs, who was the benefactor of the city." H.

Καὶ τὸν εὐεργέτην τῆς πόλεως, καὶ τὸν κηδεμόνα τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν, καὶ ζηλωτὴν τῶν νόμων, ἐπίβουλον τῶν πραγμάτων ἐτόλμα λέγειν.
4:3 Sed cum inimicitiae in tantum procederent ut etiam per quosdam Simonis necessarios homicidia fierent,
*H But when the enmities proceeded so far, that murders also were committed by some of Simon's friends:


Ver. 3. Friends. He had gone to Apollonius.

Τῆς δὲ ἔχθρας ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον προβαινούσης, ὥστε καὶ διά τινος τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ Σίμωνος δεδοκιμασμένων φόνους συντελεῖσθαι,
4:4 considerans Onias periculum contentionis, et Apollonium insanire, utpote ducem Coelesyriae et Phoenicis, ad augendam malitiam Simonis ad regem se contulit,
*H Onias, considering the danger of this contention, and that Apollonius, who was the governor of Celesyia, and Phenicia, was outrageous, which increased the malice of Simon, went to the king,


Ver. 4. King. Philopator, (M.) who knew the real state of the matter.

συνορῶν ὁ Ὀνίας τὸ χαλεπὸν τῆς φιλονεικίας, καὶ Ἀπολλώνιον μαίνεσθαι, ὡς τὸν κοίλης Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης στρατηγὸν, συναύξοντα τὴν κακίαν τοῦ Σίμωνος,
4:5 non ut civium accusator, sed communem utilitatem apud semetipsum universae multitudinis considerans.
Not to be an accuser of his countrymen, but with view to the common good of all the people.
ὡς τὸν βασιλέα διεκομίσθη, οὐ γινόμενος τῶν πολιτῶν κατήγορος, τὸ δὲ συμφέρον κοινῇ κατʼ ἰδίαν παντὶ τῷ πλήθει σκοπῶν.
4:6 Videbat enim sine regali providentia impossibile esse pacem rebus dari, nec Simonem posse cessare a stultitia sua.
For he saw that, except the king took care, it was impossible that matters should be settled in peace, or that Simon would cease from his folly.
Ἑώρα γὰρ ἄνευ βασιλικῆς προνοίας ἀδύνατον εἶναι τυχεῖν εἰρήνης ἔτι τὰ πράγματα, καὶ τὸν Σίμωνα παῦλαν οὐ ληψόμενον τῆς ἀνοίας.
4:7 Sed post Seleuci vitae excessum, cum suscepisset regnum Antiochus, qui Nobilis appellabatur, ambiebat Jason frater Oniae summum sacerdotium :
*H But after the death of Seleucus, when Antiochus, who was called the Illustrious, had taken possession of the kingdom, Jason, the brother of Onias, ambitiously sought the high priesthood:


Ver. 7. Antiochus Epiphanes, who usurped the crown. C. i. 11.

Μεταλλάξαντος δὲ τὸν βίον Σελεύκου, καὶ παραλαβόντος τὴν βασιλείαν Ἀντιόχου τοῦ προσαγορευθέντος Ἐπιφανοῦς, ὑπενόθευσεν Ἰάσων ὁ ἀδελφὸς Ὀνίου τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην,
* Summa
*S Part 3, Ques 131, Article 2

[II-II, Q. 131, Art. 2]

Whether Ambition Is Opposed to Magnanimity by Excess?

Objection 1: It seems that ambition is not opposed to magnanimity by excess. For one mean has only one extreme opposed to it on the one side. Now presumption is opposed to magnanimity by excess as stated above (Q. 130, A. 2). Therefore ambition is not opposed to it by excess.

Obj. 2: Further, magnanimity is about honors; whereas ambition seems to regard positions of dignity: for it is written (2 Macc. 4:7) that "Jason ambitiously sought the high priesthood." Therefore ambition is not opposed to magnanimity.

Obj. 3: Further, ambition seems to regard outward show: for it is written (Acts 25:27) that "Agrippa and Berenice . . . with great pomp (_ambitione_) . . . had entered into the hall of audience" [*'Praetorium.' The Vulgate has 'auditorium,' but the meaning is the same], and (2 Para. 16:14) that when Asa died they "burned spices and . . . ointments over his body" with very great pomp (_ambitione_). But magnanimity is not about outward show. Therefore ambition is not opposed to magnanimity.

_On the contrary,_ Tully says (De Offic. i) that "the more a man exceeds in magnanimity, the more he desires himself alone to dominate others." But this pertains to ambition. Therefore ambition denotes an excess of magnanimity.

_I answer that,_ As stated above (A. 1), ambition signifies inordinate love of honor. Now magnanimity is about honors and makes use of them in a becoming manner. Wherefore it is evident that ambition is opposed to magnanimity as the inordinate to that which is well ordered.

Reply Obj. 1: Magnanimity regards two things. It regards one as its end, in so far as it is some great deed that the magnanimous man attempts in proportion to his ability. In this way presumption is opposed to magnanimity by excess: because the presumptuous man attempts great deeds beyond his ability. The other thing that magnanimity regards is its matter, viz. honor, of which it makes right use: and in this way ambition is opposed to magnanimity by excess. Nor is it impossible for one mean to be exceeded in various respects.

Reply Obj. 2: Honor is due to those who are in a position of dignity, on account of a certain excellence of their estate: and accordingly inordinate desire for positions of dignity pertains to ambition. For if a man were to have an inordinate desire for a position of dignity, not for the sake of honor, but for the sake of a right use of a dignity exceeding his ability, he would not be ambitious but presumptuous.

Reply Obj. 3: The very solemnity of outward worship is a kind of honor, wherefore in such cases honor is wont to be shown. This is signified by the words of James 2:2, 3: "If there shall come into your assembly a man having a golden ring, in fine apparel . . . and you . . . shall say to him: Sit thou here well," etc. Wherefore ambition does not regard outward worship, except in so far as this is a kind of honor. _______________________

4:8 adito rege, promittens ei argenti talenta trecenta sexaginta, et ex redditibus aliis talenta octoginta,
* Footnotes
  • A.M. 3829, A.C. 175.
*H And went to the king, promising him three hundred and sixty talents of silver, and out of other revenues fourscore talents.


Ver. 8. Sixty. We find 3660 in 4 Mac. which sum is quite exorbitant.

ἐπαγγειλάμενος τῷ βασιλεῖ διʼ ἐντεύξεως ἀργυοίου τάλαντα ἑξήκοντα πρὸς τοῖς τριακοσίοις, καὶ προσόδου τινὸς ἄλλης τάλαντα ὀγδοήκοντα,
4:9 super haec promittebat et alia centum quinquaginta, si potestati ejus concederetur, gymnasium et ephebiam sibi constituere, et eos qui in Jerosolymis erant, Antiochenos scribere.
*H Besides this he promised also a hundred and fifty more, if he might have license to set him up a place for exercise, and a place for youth, and to entitle them that were at Jerusalem, Antiochians.


Ver. 9. Youth, under fourteen, to exercise. Vitruv. v. 11. — Men did the like naked in the gymnasium, as women did apart at Lacedemon. Jason wished to make his countrymen adopt the pagan customs, which tended to corrupt their morals. v. 12. C. — Antiochians, to please the vanity of Antiochus, (Serar.) or that they might enjoy the like privileges. Salien. M.

πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ὑπισχνεῖτο καὶ ἕτερα διαγράψαι πεντήκοντα πρὸς τοῖς ἑκατόν, ἐὰν συγχωρηθῇ διὰ τῆς ἐξουσίας αὐτοῦ, γυμνάσιον καὶ ἐφηβίαν αὐτῷ συστήσασθαι, καὶ τοὺς ἐν Ἰεροσολύμοις Ἀντιοχεῖς ἀναγράψαι.
4:10 Quod cum rex annuisset, et obtinuisset principatum, statim ad gentilem ritum contribules suos transferre coepit,
* Footnotes
  • A.M. 3830.
*H Which when the king had granted, and he had gotten the rule into his hands, forthwith he began to bring over his countrymen to the fashion of the heathens.


Ver. 10. Rule, as high priest. v. 21. and 50.

Ἐπινεύσαντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς κρατήσας, εὐθέως ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλληνικὸν χαρακτῆρα τοὺς ὁμοφύλους μετῆγε.
4:11 et amotis his quae humanitatis causa Judaeis a regibus fuerant constituta per Joannem patrem Eupolemi, qui apud Romanos de amicitia et societate functus est legatione legitima, civium jura destituens, prava instituta sanciebat.
*H And abolishing those things, which had been decreed of special favour by the kings in behalf of the Jews, by the means of John, the father of that Eupolemus, who went ambassador to Rome to make amity and alliance, he disannulled the lawful ordinances of the citizens, and brought in fashions that were perverse.


Ver. 11. Alliance, afterwards under Judas. 1 B. viii. 17. C. — John had procured real advantages for the city. M.

Καὶ τὰ κείμενα τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις φιλάνθρωπα βασιλικὰ διὰ Ἰωάννου τοῦ πατρὸς Εὐπολέμου, τοῦ ποιησαμένου τὴν πρεσβείαν ὑπὲρ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, παρώσατο· καὶ τὰς μὲν νομίμους καταλύων πολιτείας, παρανόμους ἐθισμοὺς ἐκαίνιζεν.
4:12 Etenim ausus est sub ipsa arce gymnasium constituere, et optimos quosque epheborum in lupanaribus ponere.
* Footnotes
  • * 1_Machabees 1:15
    And they built a place of exercise in Jerusalem, according to the laws of the nations:
*H For he had the boldness to set up, under the very castle, a place of exercise, and to put all the choicest youths in brothel houses.


Ver. 12. Houses. Gr. "he led them under the cap;" petasus, sacred to Mercury, or rather to Bacchus, and the emblem of liberty. C.

Ἀσμένως γὰρ ὑπʼ αὐτὴν τὴν ἀκρόπολιν γυμνάσιον καθίδρυσε, καὶ τοὺς κρατίστους τῶν ἐφήβων ὑποτάσσων, ὑπὸ πέτασον ἦγεν.
4:13 Erat autem hoc non initium, sed incrementum quoddam, et profectus gentilis et alienigenae conversationis, propter impii et non sacerdotis Jasonis nefarium, et inauditum scelus :
*H Now this was not the beginning, but an increase, and progress of heathenish and foreign manners, through the abominable and unheard of wickedness of Jason, that impious wretch, and no priest.


Ver. 13. Now. Gr. "Thus it was the height of hellenism, and the increase of foreign customs through," &c. — No priest. He did not deserve the title, though he was really a descendant of Aaron. Gr. "not high priest." H.

Ἦν δʼ οὕτως ἀκμή τις Ἑλληνισμοῦ, καὶ πρόσβασις ἀλλοφυλισμοῦ διὰ τὴν τοῦ ἀσεβοῦς καὶ οὐκ ἀρχιερέως Ἰάσωνος ὑπερβάλλουσαν ἀναγνείαν,
4:14 ita ut sacerdotes jam non circa altaris officia dediti essent, sed contempto templo et sacrificiis neglectis, festinarent participes fieri palaestrae et praebitionis ejus injustae, et in exercitiis disci.
*H Insomuch that the priests were not now occupied about the offices of the altar, but despising the temple and neglecting the sacrifices, hastened to be partakers of the games, and of the unlawful allowance thereof, and of the exercise of the discus.


Ver. 14. Temple. Where true religion is abolished, most people follow none; but rather apply themselves to vanity and worse sins. W. — Allowance. They contributed money, (Grot.) or rather strove to obtain the prize. C. — Discus: "a round stone, with a hole in the middle." Prot. marg. H. — People threw it as high or as far as they could, having one foot up and the other upon something resembling a pine-apple. This game was very ancient. Odys. θ. Μεταμ. ξ. emdash ~ Gr. "after the invitation of the discus:" the prize was placed in the midst to excite emulation.

ὥστε μηκέτι περὶ τὰς τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου λειτουργίας προθύμους εἶναι τοὺς ἱερεῖς, ἀλλὰ τοῦ μὲν ναοῦ καταφρονοῦντες, καὶ τῶν θυσιῶν ἀμελοῦντες ἔσπευδον μετέχειν τῆς ἐν παλαίστρᾳ παρανόμου χορηγίας, μετὰ τὴν τοῦ δίσκου πρόκλησιν.
* Summa
*S Part 4, Ques 82, Article 10

[III, Q. 82, Art. 10]

Whether It Is Lawful for a Priest to Refrain Entirely from Consecrating the Eucharist?

Objection 1: It seems to be lawful for a priest to refrain entirely from consecrating the Eucharist. Because, as it is the priest's office to consecrate the Eucharist, so it is likewise to baptize and administer the other sacraments. But the priest is not bound to act as a minister of the other sacraments, unless he has undertaken the care of souls. Therefore, it seems that likewise he is not bound to consecrate the Eucharist except he be charged with the care of souls.

Obj. 2: Further, no one is bound to do what is unlawful for him to do; otherwise he would be in two minds. But it is not lawful for the priest who is in a state of sin, or excommunicate, to consecrate the Eucharist, as was said above (A. 7). Therefore it seems that such men are not bound to celebrate, and so neither are the others; otherwise they would be gainers by their fault.

Obj. 3: Further, the priestly dignity is not lost by subsequent weakness: because Pope Gelasius I says (cf. Decretal, Dist. 55): "As the canonical precepts do not permit them who are feeble in body to approach the priesthood, so if anyone be disabled when once in that state, he cannot lose that he received at the time he was well." But it sometimes happens that those who are already ordained as priests incur defects whereby they are hindered from celebrating, such as leprosy or epilepsy, or the like. Consequently, it does not appear that priests are bound to celebrate.

_On the contrary,_ Ambrose says in one of his Orations (xxxiii): "It is a grave matter if we do not approach Thy altar with clean heart and pure hands; but it is graver still if while shunning sins we also fail to offer our sacrifice."

_I answer that,_ Some have said that a priest may lawfully refrain altogether from consecrating, except he be bound to do so, and to give the sacraments to the people, by reason of his being entrusted with the care of souls.

But this is said quite unreasonably, because everyone is bound to use the grace entrusted to him, when opportunity serves, according to 2 Cor. 6:1: "We exhort you that you receive not the grace of God in vain." But the opportunity of offering sacrifice is considered not merely in relation to the faithful of Christ to whom the sacraments must be administered, but chiefly with regard to God to Whom the sacrifice of this sacrament is offered by consecrating. Hence, it is not lawful for the priest, even though he has not the care of souls, to refrain altogether from celebrating; and he seems to be bound to celebrate at least on the chief festivals, and especially on those days on which the faithful usually communicate. And hence it is that (2 Macc. 4:14) it is said against some priests that they "were not now occupied about the offices of the altar . . . despising the temple and neglecting the sacrifices."

Reply Obj. 1: The other sacraments are accomplished in being used by the faithful, and therefore he alone is bound to administer them who has undertaken the care of souls. But this sacrament is performed in the consecration of the Eucharist, whereby a sacrifice is offered to God, to which the priest is bound from the order he has received.

Reply Obj. 2: The sinful priest, if deprived by the Church's sentence from exercising his order, simply or for a time, is rendered incapable of offering sacrifice; consequently, the obligation lapses. But if not deprived of the power of celebrating, the obligation is not removed; nor is he in two minds, because he can repent of his sin and then celebrate.

Reply Obj. 3: Weakness or sickness contracted by a priest after his ordination does not deprive him of his orders; but hinders him from exercising them, as to the consecration of the Eucharist: sometimes by making it impossible to exercise them, as, for example, if he lose his sight, or his fingers, or the use of speech; and sometimes on account of danger, as in the case of one suffering from epilepsy, or indeed any disease of the mind; and sometimes, on account of loathsomeness, as is evident in the case of a leper, who ought not to celebrate in public: he can, however, say mass privately, unless the leprosy has gone so far that it has rendered him incapable owing to the wasting away of his limbs. _______________________

4:15 Et patrios quidem honores nihil habentes, graecas glorias optimas arbitrabantur :
*H And setting nought by the honours of their fathers, they esteemed the Grecian glories for the best:


Ver. 15. Glories; the honour of being gymnasiarch, or agonothete. C. — They sought after corruptible crowns, while many pay no regard to heaven. 1 Cor. ix. 25. H.

Καὶ τὰς μὲν πατρῴους τιμὰς ἐν οὐδενὶ τιθέμενοι, τὰς δὲ Ἑλληνικὰς δόξας καλλίστας ἡγούμενοι.
4:16 quarum gratia periculosa eos contentio habebat, et eorum instituta aemulabantur, ac per omnia his consimiles esse cupiebant, quos hostes et peremptores habuerant.
*H For the sake of which they incurred a dangerous contention, and followed earnestly their ordinances, and in all things they coveted to be like them, who were their enemies and murderers.


Ver. 16. Dangerous. Gr. "misery, and those whose institutes they zealously adopted, and whom in all they wished to resemble, the same they found their enemies and chastisers." H. — God thus punished (C.) their perfidy. H.

Ὧν χάριν περιέσχεν αὐτοὺς χαλεπὴ περίστασις, καὶ ὧν ἐζήλουν τὰς ἀγωγὰς, καὶ καθάπαν ἤθελον ἐξομοιοῦσθαι, τούτους πολεμίους καὶ τιμωρητὰς ἔσχον.
4:17 In leges enim divinas impie agere impune non cedit : sed hoc tempus sequens declarabit.
For acting wickedly against the laws of God doth not pass unpunished: but this the time following will declare.
Ἀσεβεῖν γὰρ εἰς τοὺς θείους νόμους οὐ ῥᾴδιον, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα ὁ ἀκόλουθος καιρὸς δηλώσει.
4:18 Cum autem quinquennalis agon Tyri celebraretur, et rex praesens esset,
*H Now when the game that was used every fifth year was kept at Tyre, the king being present,


Ver. 18. Fifth; perhaps in imitation of the Olympic games, (M.) first instituted at Elea, and afterwards at Alexandria, Athens, &c. Grot. C.

Ἀγομένου δὲ πενταετηρικοῦ ἀγῶνος ἐν Τύρῳ, καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως παρόντος,
4:19 misit Jason facinorosus ab Jerosolymis viros peccatores, portantes argenti didrachmas trecentas in sacrificum Herculis : quas postulaverunt hi qui asportaverant ne in sacrificiis erogarentur, quia non oporteret, sed in alios sumptus eas deputari.
*H The wicked Jason sent from Jerusalem sinful men, to carry three hundred didrachmas of silver for the sacrifice of Hercules; but the bearers thereof desired it might not be bestowed on the sacrifices, because it was not necessary, but might be deputed for other charges.


Ver. 19. Sinful. Gr. "spectators, being Antiochians, to carry 300 drachmas. H. — Didrachmas, or double drachmas of Alexandria, which amount only to one Roman. Hence Greek interpreters generally express thus the half sicle. — Silver, or money; (C.) gold. M. — Thus the value would be fourteen times greater. C. — In a MS. of Arundel, 3300 occurs, (Usher.) as well as in the Syr. C. — Necessary. Lit. and Gr. "proper." Grabe supplies this as far as but, v. 20. H.

ἀπέστειλεν Ἰάσων ὁ μιαρὸς θεωροὺς ἀπὸ Ἱεροσολύμων Ἀντιοχεῖς ὄντας, παρακομίζοντας ἀργυρίου δραχμὰς τριακοσίας εἰς τὴν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους θυσίαν· ἃς καὶ ἠξίωσαν οἱ παρακομίσαντες μὴ χρῆσθαι πρὸς θυσίαν διὰ τὸ μὴ καθήκειν, εἰς ἑτέραν δὲ καταθέσθαι δαπάνην.
4:20 Sed hae oblatae sunt quidem ab eo qui miserat in sacrificium Herculis : propter praesentes autem datae sunt in fabricam navium triremium.
*H So the money was appointed by him that sent it to the sacrifice of Hercules: but because of them that carried it was employed for the making of galleys.


Ver. 20. Galleys, or adorning them for the sports. The deputies were ashamed to comply with Jason's order; or they judged this use of the money more agreeable to the king. C. — Go to 1 B. i. 17. W.

Ἔπεμψεν οὖν ταῦτα, διὰ μὲν τὸν ἀποστείλαντα εἰς τὴν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους θυσίαν, ἕνεκεν δὲ τῶν παρακομιζόντων, εἰς τὰς τῶν τριήρων κατασκευάς.
4:21 Misso autem in Aegyptum Apollonio Mnesthei filio propter primates Ptolemaei Philometoris regis, cum cognovisset Antiochus alienum se a negotiis regni effectum, propriis utilitatibus consulens, profectus inde venit Joppen, et inde Jerosolymam.
*H Now when Apollonius, the son of Mnestheus was sent into Egypt to treat with the nobles of king Philometor, and Antiochus understood that he was wholly excluded from the affairs of the kingdom, consulting his own interest, he departed thence and came to Joppe, and from thence to Jerusalem.


Ver. 21. Treat. Gr. "when king Ptolemy Philometor ascended the throne;" πρωτοκλισια. H. emdash Grotius would substitute prwtokouria, ~ "the first hair cutting," which was a great festival, the hair being presented to some deity. Apollonius was sent under the pretence of honouring Philometor, but in reality to sound the dispositions of the nobility respecting the claims of Epiphanes to be the king's tutor. Cleopatra died this year, A. 3831. The regents of Egypt demanded Celosyria, her portion, and war commenced. C. — Epiphanes pretended to defend Philometor against his younger brother, (Livy xliv.) but he wished to seize the kingdom. 1 B. i. 17. W.

Ἀποσταλέντος δὲ εἰς Αἴγυπτον Ἀπολλωνίου τοῦ Μενεσθέως διὰ τὰ πρωτοκλίσια Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Φιλομήτορος βασιλέως, μεταλαβὼν Ἀντίοχος ἀλλότριον αὐτὸν τῶυ αὐτῶν γεγονέναι πραγμάτων, τῆς κατʼ αὑτὸν ἀσφαλείας ἐφρόντιζεν· ὅθεν εἰς Ἰόππην παραγενόμενος, κατήντησεν εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα.
4:22 Et magnifice ab Jasone et civitate susceptus, cum facularum luminibus et laudibus ingressus est : et inde in Phoenicen exercitum convertit.
*H Where he was received in a magnificent manner by Jason, and the city, and came in with torch lights, and with praises, and from thence he returned with his army into Phenicia.


Ver. 22. Lights, usual in testimony of joy. C. — The roofs at Athens were all illuminated when Anthony entered; (Plut.) and Cæsar ascended the capitol, while forty elephants on each side bore torches. Sueton. xxxvii.

Μεγαλοπρεπῶς δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἰάσωνος καὶ τῆς πόλεως παραδεχθεὶς, μετὰ δᾳδουχίας καὶ βοῶν εἰσπεπόρευται εἶθʼ οὕτως εἰς τὴν Φοινίκην κατεστρατοπέδευσε.
4:23 Et post triennii tempus, misit Jason Menelaum supradicti Simonis fratrem portantem pecunias regi, et de negotiis necessariis responsa perlaturum.
*H Three years afterwards Jason sent Menelaus, brother of the aforesaid Simon, to carry money to the king, and to bring answers from him concerning certain necessary affairs.


Ver. 23. Brother, and of course a Benjamite, so that the usurpation was doubly criminal. T. — But S. Tho. Petau, &c. suppose that he resembled Simon in guilt, or was his brother-in-law. Josephus informs us that Menelaus was brother of Onias and of Jason; though his authority is not great, as he contradicts himself, (Ant. xii. 6. and xv. see C. i. 7. C.) though not in this point. H. — By the law, those of the tribe of Benjamin could not be priests. Thus the succession was broken and restored in Mathathias. 1 B. ii. W.

Μετὰ δὲ τριετῆ χρόνον ἀπέστειλεν Ἰάσων Μενέλαον τὸν τοῦ προσημαινομένου Σίμωνος ἀδελφόν, παρακομίζοντα τὰ χρήματα τῷ βασιλεῖ, καὶ περὶ πραγμάτων ἀναγκαίων ὑπομνηματισμοὺς τελέσοντα.
4:24 At ille commendatus regi, cum magnificasset faciem potestatis ejus, in semetipsum retorsit summum sacerdotium, superponens Jasoni talenta argenti trecenta.
But he being recommended to the king, when he had magnified the appearance of his power, got the high priesthood for himself, by offering more than Jason by three hundred talents of silver.
Ὁ δὲ συσταθεὶς τῷ βασιλεῖ, καὶ δοξάσας αὐτὸν τῷ προσώπῳ τῆς ἐξουσίας, εἰς ἑαυτὸν κατήντησε τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην, ὑπερβαλὼν τὸν Ἰάσωνα τάλαντα ἀργυρίου τριακόσια.
4:25 Acceptisque a rege mandatis, venit, nihil quidem habens dignum sacerdotio : animos vero crudelis tyranni, et ferae beluae iram gerens.
So having received the king's mandate, he returned, bringing nothing worthy of the high priesthood: but having the mind of a cruel tyrant, and the rage of a savage beast.
Λαβὼν δὲ τὰς βασιλικὰς ἐντολὰς παρεγένετο, τῆς μὲν ἀρχιερωσύνης οὐδὲν ἄξιον φέρων, θυμοὺς δὲ ὠμοῦ τυράννου, καὶ θηρὸς βαρβάρου ὀργὰς ἔχων.
4:26 Et Jason quidem, qui proprium fratrem captivaverat, ipse deceptus profugus in Ammanitem expulsus est regionem.
Then Jason, who had undermined his own brother, being himself undermined, was driven out a fugitive into the country of the Ammonites.
Καὶ ὁ μὲν Ἰάσων ὁ τὸν ἴδιον ἀδελφὸν ὑπονοθεύσας, ὑπονοθευθεὶς ὑφʼ ἑτέρου φυγὰς εἰς τὴν Ἀμμανῖτιν χώραν συνήλαστο.
4:27 Menelaus autem principatum quidem obtinuit : de pecuniis vero regi promissis, nihil agebat, cum exactionem faceret Sostratus, qui arci erat praepositus,
So Menelaus got the principality: but as for the money he had promised to the king, he took no care, when Sostratus, the governor of the castle, called for it.
Ὁ δὲ Μενέλαος τῆς μὲν ἀρχῆς ἐκράτει, τῶν δὲ ἐπηγγελμένων τῷ βασιλεῖ χρημάτων οὐδὲν εὐτάκτει,
4:28 nam ad hunc exactio vectigalium pertinebant : quam ob causam utrique ad regem sunt evocati.
* Footnotes
  • A.M. 3834, A.C. 170.
For to him appertained the gathering of the taxes: wherefore they were both called before the king.
ποιουμένου δὲ τὴν ἀπαίτησιν Σωστράτου τοῦ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως ἐπάρχου· πρὸς τοῦτον γὰρ ἦν ἡ τῶν φόρων πρᾶξις· διʼ ἣν αἰτίαν οἱ δύο ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως προσεκλήθησαν.
4:29 Et Menelaus amotus est a sacerdotio, succedente Lysimacho fratre suo : Sostratus autem praelatus est Cypriis.
*H And Menelaus was removed from the priesthood, Lysimachus, his brother, succeeding: and Sostratus alas made governor of the Cyprians.


Ver. 29. Succeeding to the high priesthood, (Gr. H.) after the death of Menalaus. Jos. — Yet some think he was only his "vicar," διαδοχον, (Grot. Usher) and he seems never to have been recognised. C. — Was. Gr. "left Crates, who was over the Cyprians," to act for him, while he sent to arraign Menelaus, or to testify that he had demanded the money in vain. H.

Καὶ ὁ μὲν Μενέλαος ἀπέλιπε τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης διάδοχον Λυσίμαχον τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ἀδελφόν, Σώστρατος δὲ, Κράτητα τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν Κυπρίων.
4:30 Et cum haec agerentur, contigit Tharsenses et Mallotas seditionem movere, eo quod Antiochidi regis concubinae dono essent dati.
*H When these things were in doing, it fell out that they of Tharsus, and Mallos, raised a sedition, because they were given for a gift to Antiochus, the king's concubine.


Ver. 30. Mallos, in Cilicia. The Greek cities were more delicate in this respect than those of Persia, which were frequently given to the king's wives or friends.

Τοιούτων δὲ συνεστηκότων, συνέβη Ταρσεῖς, καὶ Μαλλώτας στασιάζειν, διὰ τὸ Ἀντιοχίδι τῇ παλλακῇ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐν δωρεᾷ δεδόσθαι.
4:31 Festinanter itaque rex venit sedare illos, relicto suffecto uno ex comitibus suis Andronico.
The king, therefore, went in all haste to appease them, leaving Andronicus, one of his nobles, for his deputy.
Θᾶττον οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἧκε καταστεῖλαι τὰ πράγματα, καταλιπὼν τὸν διαδεχόμενον Ἀνδρόνικον, τῶν ἐν ἀξιώματι κειμένων.
4:32 Ratus autem Menelaus accepisse se tempus opportunum, aurea quaedam vasa e templo furatus donavit Andronico, et alia vendiderat Tyri, et per vicinas civitates.
*H Then Menelaus supposing that he had found a convenient time, having stolen certain vessels of gold out of the temple, gave them to Andronicus, and others he had sold at Tyre, and in the neighbouring cities:


Ver. 32. Temple. He was no longer there, but Lysimachus complied with his orders, (C.) v. 39, or Menelaus had taken the vessels with him. H.

Νομίσας δὲ ὁ Μενέλαος εἰληφέναι καιρὸν εὐφυῆ, χρυσώματά τινα τῶν τοῦ ἱεροῦ νοσφισάμενος ἐχαρίσατο τῷ Ἀνδρονίκῳ, καὶ ἕτερα ἐτύγχανε πεπρακὼς εἴς τε Τύρον καὶ τὰς κύκλῳ πόλεις.
4:33 Quod cum certissime cognovisset Onias, arguebat eum, ipse in loco tuto se continens Antiochiae secus Daphnem.
*H Which when Onias understood most certainly, he reproved him, keeping himself in a safe place at Antioch, beside Daphne.


Ver. 33. Daphne. This was a famous asylum, to which Onias retreated without worshipping Apollo. He had gone to Antioch to answer the calumnies of Simon; and though Jason got his place, (C.) the king could not help respecting him, (H.) and wept at his death. This it the highest praise of Onias, as even such a monster acknowledged his merit. C. — Cæsar wept when the head of Pompey was shewn to him. V. Max. i. 5.

Ἃ καὶ σαφῶς ἐπεγνωκὼς ὁ Ὀνίας, παρήλεγχεν ἀποκεχωρηκὼς εἰς ἄσυλον τόπον, ἐπὶ Δάφνης τῆς πρὸς Ἀντιόχειαν κειμένης.
4:34 Unde Menelaus accedens ad Andronicum, rogabat ut Oniam interficeret. Qui cum venisset ad Oniam, et datis dextris cum jurejurando (quamvis esset ei suspectus) suasisset de asylo procedere, statim eum peremit, non veritus justitiam.
Whereupon Menelaus coming to Andronicus, desired him to kill Onias. And he went to Onias, and gave him his right hand with an oath, and (though he were suspected by him) persuaded him to come forth out of the sanctuary, and immediately slew him, without any regard to justice.
Ὅθεν ὁ Μενέλαος λαβὼν ἰδίᾳ τὸν Ἀνδρόνικον, παρεκάλει χειρώσασθαι τὸν Ὀνίαν· ὁ δὲ παραγενόμενος ἐπὶ τὸν Ὀνίαν, καὶ πεισθεὶς ἐπὶ δόλῳ, καὶ δεξιὰς μεθʼ ὅρκων δοὺς, καίπερ ἐν ὑποψίᾳ κείμενος ἔπεισεν ἐκ τοῦ ἀσύλου προελθεῖν, ὃν καὶ παραχρῆμα παρέκλεισεν, οὐκ αἰδεσθεὶς τὸ δίκαιον.
4:35 Ob quam causam non solum Judaei, sed aliae quoque nationes indignabantur, et moleste ferebant de nece tanti viri injusta.
*H For which cause not only the Jews, but also the other nations, conceived indignation, and were much grieved for the unjust murder of so great a man.


Ver. 35. Man. The people, (W.) and even the king, admired his solid piety. Thus (H.) the Tyrians buried the innocent. v. 49. W.

Διʼ ἣν αἰτίαν οὐ μόνον Ἰουδαῖοι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν ἐδείναζον, καὶ ἐδυσφόρουν ἐπὶ τῷ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἀδίκῳ φόνῳ.
4:36 Sed regressum regem de Ciliciae locis adierunt Judaei apud Antiochiam, simul et Graeci, conquerentes de iniqua nece Oniae.
And when the king was come back from the places of Cilicia, the Jews that were at Antioch, and also the Greeks, went to him: complaining of the unjust murder of Onias.
Τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ἐπανελθόντος ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ Κιλικίαν τόπων, ἐνετύγχανον οἱ κατὰ πόλιν Ἰουδαῖοι συμισοπονηρούντων καὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ὑπὲρ τοῦ παρὰ λόγον τὸν Ὀνίαν ἀπεκτάνθαι.
4:37 Contristatus itaque animo Antiochus propter Oniam, et flexus ad misericordiam, lacrimas fudit, recordatus defuncti sobrietatem et modestiam :
Antiochus, therefore, was grieved in his mind for Onias, and being moved to pity, shed tears, remembering the sobriety and modesty of the deceased.
Ψυχικῶς οὖν ὁ Ἀντίοχος ἐπιλυπηθεὶς, καὶ τραπεὶς εἰς ἔλεον, καὶ δακρύσας διὰ τὴν τοῦ μετηλλαχότος σωφροσύνην, καὶ πολλὴν εὐταξίαν,
4:38 accensisque animis Andronicum purpura exutum, per totam civitatem jubet circumduci : et in eodem loco in quo in Oniam impietatem commiserat, sacrilegum vita privari, Domino illi condignam retribuente poenam.
And being inflamed to anger, he commanded Andronicus to be stripped of his purple, and to be led about through all the city: and that in the same place wherein he had committed the impiety against Onias, the sacrilegious wretch should be put to death, the Lord repaying him his deserved punishment.
καὶ πυρωθεὶς τοῖς θυμοῖς, παραχρῆμα τὴν τοῦ Ἀνδρονίκου πορφύραν περιελόμενος, καὶ τοὺς χιτῶνας περιῤῥήξας, περιαγαγὼν καθʼ ὅλην τὴν πόλιν, ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τὸν τόπον οὗπερ εἰς τὸν Ὀνίαν ἠσέβησεν, ἐκεῖ τὸν μιαιφόνον ἀπεκόσμησε, τοῦ Κυρίου τὴν ἀξίαν αὐτῷ κόλασιν ἀποδόντος.
4:39 Multis autem sacrilegiis in templo a Lysimacho commissis Menelai consilio, et divulgata fama, congregata est multitudo adversum Lysimachum multo jam auro exportato.
Now when many sacrileges had been committed by Lysimachus in the temple, by the counsel of Menelaus, and the rumour of it was spread abroad, the multitude gathered themselves together against Lysimachus, a great quantity of gold being already carried away.
Γενομένων δὲ πολλῶν ἱεροσυλημάτων κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ὑπὸ τοῦ Λυσιμάχου μετὰ τῆς Μενελάου γνώμης, καὶ διαδοθείσης ἔξω τῆς φήμης, ἐπισυνήχθη τὸ πλῆθος ἐπὶ τὸν Λυσίμαχον, χρυσωμάτων ἤδη πολλῶν διενηνεγμένων.
4:40 Turbis autem insurgentibus, et animis ira repletis, Lysimachus armatis fere tribus millibus iniquis manibus uti coepit, duce quodam tyranno, aetate pariter et dementia provecto.
*H Wherefore the multitude making an insurrection, and their minds being filled with anger, Lysimachus armed about three thousand men, and began to use violence, one Tyrannus being captain, a man far gone both in age and in madness.


Ver. 40. Tyrannus. One of this name occurs Acts xix. 9. Gr. "Auranus," (H.) or one from Auran, near Damascus.

Ἐπεγειρομένων δὲ τῶν ὄχλων, καὶ ταῖς ὀργαῖς διεμπιπλαμένων, καθοπλίσας ὁ Λυσίμαχος πρὸς τρισχιλίους, κατήρξατο χειρῶν ἀδίκων, προηγησαμένου τινὸς Τυράννου προβεβηκότος τὴν ἡλικίαν, οὐδὲν δὲ ἧττον καὶ τὴν ἄνοιαν.
4:41 Sed ut intellexerunt conatum Lysimachi, alii lapides, alii fustes validos arripuere : quidam vero cinerem in Lysimachum jecere.
*H But when they perceived the attempt of Lysimachus, some caught up stones, some strong clubs, and some threw ashes upon Lysimachus.


Ver. 41. Ashes. Gr. adds, "lying there," (H.) in the temple, near the altar, or in the place assigned for them. Lev. i. 16. C.

Συνιδότες δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐπίθεσιν τοῦ Λυσιμάχου, συναρπάσαντες οἱ μὲν πέτρους, οἱ δὲ ξύλων πάχη, τινὲς δὲ ἐκ τῆς παρακειμένης σποδοῦ δρασσόμενοι, φύρδην ἐνετίνασσον εἰς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Λυσίμαχον.
4:42 Et multi quidem vulnerati, quidam autem et prostrati, omnes vero in fugam conversi sunt : ipsum etiam sacrilegum secus aerarium interfecerunt.
And many of them were wounded, and some struck down to the ground, but all were put to flight: and as for the sacrilegious fellow himself, they slew him beside the treasury.
Διʼ ἣν αἰτίαν πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν τραυματίας ἐποίησαν, τινὰς δὲ καὶ κατέβαλον, πάντας δὲ εἰς φυγὴν συνήλασαν, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν ἱερόσυλον παρὰ τὸ γαζοφυλάκιον ἐχειρώσαντο.
4:43 De his ergo coepit judicium adversus Menelaum agitari.
Now concerning these matters, an accusation was laid against Menelaus.
Περὶ δὲ τούτων ἐνέστη κρίσις πρὸς τὸν Μενέλαον.
4:44 Et cum venisset rex Tyrum, ad ipsum negotium detulerunt missi tres viri a senioribus.
And when the king was come to Tyre, three men were sent from the ancients to plead the cause before him.
Καταντήσαντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς Τύρον, ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ τὴν δικαιολογίαν ἐποιήσαντο οἱ πεμφθέντες ἄνδρες τρεῖς ὑπὸ τῆς γερουσίας.
4:45 Et cum superaretur Menelaus, promisit Ptolemaeo multas pecunias dare ad suadendum regi.
*H But Menelaus being convicted, promised Ptolemee to give him much money to persuade the king to favour him.


Ver. 45. Ptolemee, the son of Dorymenus, a favourite of the king, (Ch.) whose perfidy had procured him the government of Celosyria. C. x. 3. and 1 B. iii. 38.

Ἤδη δὲ λελειμμένος ὁ Μενέλαος ἐπηγγείλατο χρήματα ἱκανὰ τῷ Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ Δορυμένους πρὸς τὸ πεῖσαι τὸν βασιλέα.
4:46 Itaque Ptolemaeus in quodam atrio positum quasi refrigerandi gratia regem adiit, et deduxit a sententia :
*H So Ptolemee went to the king in a certain court where he was, as it were to cool himself, and brought him to be of another mind:


Ver. 46. Court. Gr. "peristyle," or gallery supported by pillars. C.

Ὅθεν ἀπολαβὼν ὁ Πτολεμαῖος εἴς τι περίστυλον ὡς ἀναψύξοντα τὸν βασιλέα, μετέθηκε.
4:47 et Menelaum quidem universae malitiae reum criminibus absolvit : miseros autem qui, etiamsi apud Scythas causam dixissent, innocentes judicarentur, hos morte damnavit.
So Menelaus, who was guilty of all the evil, was acquitted by him of the accusations: and those poor men, who, if they had pleaded their cause even before Scythians, should have been judged innocent, were condemned to death.
Καὶ τὸν μὲν τῆς ὅλης κακίας αἴτιον Μενέλαον ἀπέλυσε τῶν κατηγορημάτων, τοῖς δὲ ταλαιπώροις, οἵτινες εἰ καὶ ἐπὶ Σκυθῶν ἔλεγον, ἀπελύθησαν ἄν ἀκατάγνωστοι, τούτοις θάνατον ἐπέκρινε.
4:48 Cito ergo injustam poenam dederunt, qui pro civitate, et populo, et sacris vasis causam prosecuti sunt.
Thus they that persecuted the cause for the city, and for the people, and the sacred vessels, did soon suffer unjust punishment.
Ταχέως οὖν τὴν ἄδικον ζημίαν ὑπέσχον οἱ ὑπὲρ πόλεως καὶ δήμων καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν σκευῶν προαγορεύσαντες.
4:49 Quam ob rem Tyrii quoque indignati, erga sepulturam eorum liberalissimi extiterunt.
Wherefore even the Tyrians, being moved with indignation, were very liberal towards their burial.
Διʼ ἣν αἰτίαν καὶ Τύριοι μισοπονηρήσαντες τὰ πρὸς τὴν κηδείαν αὐτῶν μεγαλοπρεπῶς ἐχορήγησαν.
4:50 Menelaus autem, propter eorum qui in potentia erant avaritiam, permanebat in potestate, crescens in malitia ad insidias civium.
And so through the covetousness of them that were in power, Menelaus continued in authority, increasing in malice to the betraying of the citizens.
Ὁ δὲ Μενέλαος διὰ τὰς τῶν κρατούντων πλεονεξίας, ἔμενεν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἐπιφυόμενος τῇ κακίᾳ, μέγας τῶν πολιτῶν ἐπίβουλος καθεστώς.
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