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25:1 Festus ergo cum venisset in provinciam, post triduum ascendit Jerosolymam a Caesarea.
* Footnotes
  • A.D. 60.
*H Now when Festus was come into the province, after three days, he went up to Jerusalem from Cesarea.


Ver. 1. Festus having arrived at his province, goes to Jerusalem to be inaugurated. The Jews took this opportunity of requesting S. Paul might be sent to Jerusalem, that they might accomplish the iniquitous purport of their vow. Such consequence did they attribute to the death of this one man, that they had no greater favour to ask of their new governor at his auspicious entry among them. Tirinus.

Φῆστος οὖν ἐπιβὰς τῇ ἐπαρχίᾳ, μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἀνέβη εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα ἀπὸ Καισαρείας."
25:2 Adieruntque eum principes sacerdotum et primi Judaeorum adversus Paulum : et rogabant eum,
And the chief priests and principal men of the Jews went unto him against Paul: and they besought him,
Ἐνεφάνισαν δὲ αὐτῷ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ οἱ πρῶτοι τῶν Ἰουδαίων κατὰ τοῦ Παύλου, καὶ παρεκάλουν αὐτόν,"
25:3 postulantes gratiam adversus eum, ut juberet perduci eum in Jerusalem, insidias tendentes ut interficerent eum in via.
Requesting favour against him, that he would command him to be brought to Jerusalem, laying wait to kill him in the way.
αἰτούμενοι χάριν κατ’ αὐτοῦ, ὅπως μεταπέμψηται αὐτὸν εἰς Ἱερουσαλήμ, ἐνέδραν ποιοῦντες ἀνελεῖν αὐτὸν κατὰ τὴν ὁδόν."
25:4 Festus autem respondit servari Paulum in Caesarea : se autem maturius profecturum.
*H But Festus answered: That Paul was kept in Caesarea: and that he himself would very shortly depart thither.


Ver. 4. It would appear, from their first request being peremptorily denied them, how little solicitous their governors were to please them. The successors of Felix and Festus were not better disposed than their predecessors. Their extortions and oppressions were pushed so far, that the Jews attempted at last to deliver themselves by rebellion, which proved their utter ruin and extirpation. Indeed it was in vain to resist, for they already began to feel the truth of our Saviour's prediction, in their subjugation to the Gentiles. Josephus bears ample testimony to the fulfilment of the prophecy. De bel. Jud. lib. ii. c 16. &c. A.

Ὁ μὲν οὖν Φῆστος ἀπεκρίθη, τηρεῖσθαι τὸν Παῦλον ἐν Καισαρείᾳ, ἑαυτὸν δὲ μέλλειν ἐν τάχει ἐκπορεύεσθαι."
25:5 Qui ergo in vobis, ait, potentes sunt, descendentes simul, si quod est in viro crimen, accusent eum.
*H Let them, therefore, saith he, among you that are able, go down with me and accuse him, if there be any crime in the man.


Ver. 5. Among you that are able.[1] It may signify, such as are powerful among you, or such as are able by health, and willing. Wi.

Οἱ οὖν δυνατοὶ ἐν ὑμῖν, φησίν, συγκαταβάντες, εἴ τι ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ ἀνδρὶ τούτῳ, κατηγορείτωσαν αὐτοῦ."
25:6 Demoratus autem inter eos dies non amplius quam octo aut decem, descendit Caesaream, et altera die sedit pro tribunali, et jussit Paulum adduci.
And having tarried among them no more than eight or ten days, he went down to Caesarea. And the next day, he sat in the judgment seat and commanded Paul to be brought.
¶Διατρίψας δὲ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἡμέρας πλείους ἢ δέκα, καταβὰς εἰς Καισάρειαν, τῇ ἐπαύριον καθίσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἐκέλευσεν τὸν Παῦλον ἀχθῆναι."
25:7 Qui cum perductus esset, circumsteterunt eum, qui ab Jerosolyma descenderant Judaei, multas et graves causas objicientes, quas non poterant probare :
Who being brought, the Jews stood about him, who were come down from Jerusalem, objecting many and grievious causes, which they could not prove:
Παραγενομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ, περιέστησαν οἱ ἀπὸ Ἱεροσολύμων καταβεβηκότες Ἰουδαῖοι, πολλὰ καὶ βαρέα αἰτιώματα φέροντες κατὰ τοῦ Παύλου, ἃ οὐκ ἴσχυον ἀποδεῖξαι,"
25:8 Paulo rationem reddente : Quoniam neque in legem Judaeorum, neque in templum, neque in Caesarem quidquam peccavi.
*H Paul making answer for himself: Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar, have I offended in any thing.


Ver. 8. Paul making answer,[2] or his apology, by the Greek. In the Latin, giving an account. In like manner, (v. 16.) have liberty given to defend himself; in the Greek, to make his apology. In the Latin, till he take a place of defending himself.

ἀπολογουμένου αὐτοῦ ὅτι Οὔτε εἰς τὸν νόμον τῶν Ἰουδαίων, οὔτε εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, οὔτε εἰς Καίσαρά τι ἥμαρτον."
25:9 Festus autem volens gratiam praestare Judaeis, respondens Paulo, dixit : Vis Jerosolymam ascendere, et ibi de his judicari apud me ?
But Festus, willing to shew the Jews a pleasure, answering Paul, said: Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem and there be judged of these things before me?
Ὁ Φῆστος δὲ τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις θέλων χάριν καταθέσθαι, ἀποκριθεὶς τῷ Παύλῳ εἶπεν, Θέλεις εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα ἀναβάς, ἐκεῖ περὶ τούτων κρίνεσθαι ἐπ’ ἐμοῦ;"
25:10 Dixit autem Paulus : Ad tribunal Caesaris sto : ibi me oportet judicari : Judaeis non nocui, sicut tu melius nosti.
*H Then Paul said: I stand at Caesar's judgment seat, where I ought to be judged. To the Jews I have done no injury, as thou very well knowest.


Ver. 10. S. Paul, seeing Festus only sought a plea to get rid of his cause, by putting it into the hands of the Sanhedrim, appeals to Cæsar. According to the ordinary rules of jurisprudence, appeals are only made after sentence is pronounced; but Roman citizens had a privilege of anticipating the sentence, when the judge did any thing contrary to justice; as Festus evidently did in this case, by wishing to deliver Paul, a Roman citizen, to the tribunal of his declared enemies, the Jews. The apostle knew he was secured by making this appeal: as the Roman law declared provincial governors violators of the public peace, who should either strike, or imprison, or put to death a Roman citizen, that appealed to the emperor. Calmet. — Hence Pliny sent some Christians to Rome for this same reason, as he writes himself in his epistles. Lib. x. ep. 97. Fuerunt alii similis amentiæ, quos, quia cives Romani erant, annotavi in urbem remittendos.

Εἶπεν δὲ ὁ Παῦλος, Ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος Καίσαρος ἑστώς εἰμι, οὗ με δεῖ κρίνεσθαι· Ἰουδαίους οὐδὲν ἠδίκησα, ὡς καὶ σὺ κάλλιον ἐπιγινώσκεις."
25:11 Si enim nocui, aut dignum morte aliquid feci, non recuso mori : si vero nihil est eorum quae hi accusant me, nemo potest me illis donare. Caesarem appello.
For if I have injured them or have committed any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die. But if there be none of these things whereof they accuse me, no man may deliver me to them. I appeal to Caesar.
Εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἀδικῶ καὶ ἄξιον θανάτου πέπραχά τι, οὐ παραιτοῦμαι τὸ ἀποθανεῖν· εἰ δὲ οὐδέν ἐστιν ὧν οὗτοι κατηγοροῦσίν μου, οὐδείς με δύναται αὐτοῖς χαρίσασθαι. Καίσαρα ἐπικαλοῦμαι."
25:12 Tunc Festus cum concilio locutus, respondit : Caesarem appellasti ? ad Caesarem ibis.
Then Festus, having conferred with the council, answered: Hast thou appealed to Caesar? To Caesar shalt thou go.
Τότε ὁ Φῆστος συλλαλήσας μετὰ τοῦ συμβουλίου ἀπεκρίθη, Καίσαρα ἐπικέκλησαι; Ἐπὶ Καίσαρα πορεύσῃ."
25:13 Et cum dies aliquot transacti essent, Agrippa rex et Bernice descenderunt Caesaream ad salutandum Festum.
*H And after some days, king Agrippa and Bernice came down to Caesarea, to salute Festus.


Ver. 13. Agrippa. This was son of the king of the same name, who imprisoned S. Peter, and put S. James to death. Bernice was his sister, and one of the most infamous of women. Her character has merited her a place in one of Juvenal's satires, 5th.

¶Ἡμερῶν δὲ διαγενομένων τινῶν, Ἀγρίππας ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ Βερνίκη κατήντησαν εἰς Καισάρειαν, ἀσπασάμενοι τὸν Φῆστον."
25:14 Et cum dies plures ibi demorarentur, Festus regi indicavit de Paulo, dicens : Vir quidam est derelictus a Felice vinctus,
And as they tarried there many days, Festus told the king of Paul, saying: A certain man was left prisoner by Felix.
Ὡς δὲ πλείους ἡμέρας διέτριβεν ἐκεῖ, ὁ Φῆστος τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀνέθετο τὰ κατὰ τὸν Παῦλον, λέγων, Ἀνήρ τίς ἐστιν καταλελειμμένος ὑπὸ Φήλικος δέσμιος,"
25:15 de quo cum essem Jerosolymis, adierunt me principes sacerdotum et seniores Judaeorum, postulantes adversus illum damnationem.
About whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the ancients of the Jews came unto me, desiring condemnation against him.
περὶ οὗ, γενομένου μου εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα, ἐνεφάνισαν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι τῶν Ἰουδαίων, αἰτούμενοι κατ’ αὐτοῦ δίκην."
25:16 Ad quos respondi : Quia non est Romanis consuetudo damnare aliquem hominem priusquam is qui accusatur praesentes habeat accusatores, locumque defendendi accipiat ad abluenda crimina.
To whom I answered: it is not the custom of the Romans to condemn any man, before that he who is accused have his accusers present and have liberty to make his answer, to clear himself of the things laid to his charge.
Πρὸς οὓς ἀπεκρίθην, ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν ἔθος Ῥωμαίοις χαρίζεσθαί τινα ἄνθρωπον εἰς ἀπώλειαν, πρὶν ἢ ὁ κατηγορούμενος κατὰ πρόσωπον ἔχοι τοὺς κατηγόρους, τόπον τε ἀπολογίας λάβοι περὶ τοῦ ἐγκλήματος."
* Summa
*S Part 3, Ques 67, Article 3

[II-II, Q. 67, Art. 3]

Whether a Judge May Condemn a Man Who Is Not Accused?

Objection 1: It would seem that a judge may pass sentence on a man who is not accused. For human justice is derived from Divine justice. Now God judges the sinner even though there be no accuser. Therefore it seems that a man may pass sentence of condemnation on a man even though there be no accuser.

Obj. 2: Further, an accuser is required in judicial procedure in order that he may relate the crime to the judge. Now sometimes the crime may come to the judge's knowledge otherwise than by accusation; for instance, by denunciation, or by evil report, or through the judge himself being an eye-witness. Therefore a judge may condemn a man without there being an accuser.

Obj. 3: Further, the deeds of holy persons are related in Holy Writ, as models of human conduct. Now Daniel was at the same time the accuser and the judge of the wicked ancients (Dan. 13). Therefore it is not contrary to justice for a man to condemn anyone as judge while being at the same time his accuser.

_On the contrary,_ Ambrose in his commentary on 1 Cor. 5:2, expounding the Apostle's sentence on the fornicator, says that "a judge should not condemn without an accuser, since our Lord did not banish Judas, who was a thief, yet was not accused."

_I answer that,_ A judge is an interpreter of justice. Wherefore, as the Philosopher says (Ethic. v, 4), "men have recourse to a judge as to one who is the personification of justice." Now, as stated above (Q. 58, A. 2), justice is not between a man and himself but between one man and another. Hence a judge must needs judge between two parties, which is the case when one is the prosecutor, and the other the defendant. Therefore in criminal cases the judge cannot sentence a man unless the latter has an accuser, according to Acts 25:16: "It is not the custom of the Romans to condemn any man, before that he who is accused have his accusers present, and have liberty to make his answer, to clear himself of the crimes" of which he is accused.

Reply Obj. 1: God, in judging man, takes the sinner's conscience as his accuser, according to Rom. 2:15, "Their thoughts between themselves accusing, or also defending one another"; or again, He takes the evidence of the fact as regards the deed itself, according to Gen. 4:10, "The voice of thy brother's blood crieth to Me from the earth."

Reply Obj. 2: Public disgrace takes the place of an accuser. Hence a gloss on Gen. 4:10, "The voice of thy brother's blood," etc. says: "There is no need of an accuser when the crime committed is notorious." In a case of denunciation, as stated above (Q. 33, A. 7), the amendment, not the punishment, of the sinner is intended: wherefore when a man is denounced for a sin, nothing is done against him, but for him, so that no accuser is required. The punishment that is inflicted is on account of his rebellion against the Church, and since this rebellion is manifest, it stands instead of an accuser. The fact that the judge himself was an eye-witness, does not authorize him to proceed to pass sentence, except according to the order of judicial procedure.

Reply Obj. 3: God, in judging man, proceeds from His own knowledge of the truth, whereas man does not, as stated above (A. 2). Hence a man cannot be accuser, witness and judge at the same time, as God is. Daniel was at once accuser and judge, because he was the executor of the sentence of God, by whose instinct he was moved, as stated above (A. 1, ad 1). _______________________

FOURTH

25:17 Cum ergo huc convenissent sine ulla dilatione, sequenti die sedens pro tribunali, jussi adduci virum.
When therefore they were come hither, without any delay, on the day following, sitting in the judgment seat, I commanded the man to be brought.
Συνελθόντων οὖν αὐτῶν ἐνθάδε, ἀναβολὴν μηδεμίαν ποιησάμενος, τῇ ἑξῆς καθίσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος, ἐκέλευσα ἀχθῆναι τὸν ἄνδρα·"
25:18 De quo, cum stetissent accusatores, nullam causam deferebant, de quibus ego suspicabar malum.
Against whom, when the accusers stood up, they brought no accusation of this which I thought ill of:
περὶ οὗ σταθέντες οἱ κατήγοροι οὐδεμίαν αἰτίαν ἐπέφερον ὧν ὑπενόουν ἐγώ,"
25:19 Quaestiones vero quasdam de sua superstitione habebant adversus eum, et de quodam Jesu defuncto, quem affirmabat Paulus vivere.
*H But had certain questions of their own superstition against him, and of one Jesus deceased, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.


Ver. 19. Their own superstition.[3] Their particular religion, and manner of worshipping their God. Wi.

ζητήματα δέ τινα περὶ τῆς ἰδίας δεισιδαιμονίας εἶχον πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ περί τινος Ἰησοῦ τεθνηκότος, ὃν ἔφασκεν ὁ Παῦλος ζῇν."
25:20 Haesitans autem ego de hujusmodi quaestione, dicebam si vellet ire Jerosolymam, et ibi judicari de istis.
I therefore being in a doubt of this manner of question, asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem and there be judged of these things.
Ἀπορούμενος δὲ ἐγὼ τὴν περὶ τούτου ζήτησιν, ἔλεγον, εἰ βούλοιτο πορεύεσθαι εἰς Ἱερουσαλήμ, κἀκεῖ κρίνεσθαι περὶ τούτων."
25:21 Paulo autem appellante ut servaretur ad Augusti cognitionem, jussi servari eum, donec mittam eum ad Caesarem.
*H But Paul, appealing to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept, till I might send him to Caesar.


Ver. 21. Augustus Nero, who was then the Roman emperor.

Τοῦ δὲ Παύλου ἐπικαλεσαμένου τηρηθῆναι αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ διάγνωσιν, ἐκέλευσα τηρεῖσθαι αὐτόν, ἕως οὗ πέμψω αὐτὸν πρὸς Καίσαρα."
25:22 Agrippa autem dixit ad Festum : Volebam et ipse hominem audire. Cras, inquit, audies eum.
*H And Agrippa said to Festus: I would also hear the man, myself. To-morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him.


Ver. 22. Agrippa has the same curiosity of hearing Paul, as Herod formerly had of seeing Jesus. The apostle's name had, no doubt, become famous enough to reach the ears, and arrest the attention of Agrippa. Curiosity is certainly not the best motive a person can bring with him to the investigation of religious truth: still it may occasionally become productive of good. The king was half persuaded to embrace the Christian faith. A better motive, or more serious attention, may induce some to embrace the truth, which accident may first have discovered to them. A.

Ἀγρίππας δὲ πρὸς τὸν Φῆστον ἔφη, Ἐβουλόμην καὶ αὐτὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀκοῦσαι. Ὁ δέ, Αὔριον, φησίν, ἀκούσῃ αὐτοῦ."
25:23 Altera autem die cum venisset Agrippa et Bernice cum multa ambitione, et introissent in auditorium cum tribunis et viris principalibus civitatis, jubente Festo, adductus est Paulus.
And on the next day, when Agrippa and Bernice were come with great pomp and had entered into the hall of audience with the tribunes and principal men of the city, at Festus' commandment, Paul was brought forth.
¶Τῇ οὖν ἐπαύριον, ἐλθόντος τοῦ Ἀγρίππα καὶ τῆς Βερνίκης μετὰ πολλῆς φαντασίας, καὶ εἰσελθόντων εἰς τὸ ἀκροατήριον, σύν τε τοῖς χιλιάρχοις καὶ ἀνδράσιν τοῖς κατ’ ἐξοχὴν οὖσιν τῆς πόλεως, καὶ κελεύσαντος τοῦ Φήστου, ἤχθη ὁ Παῦλος."
25:24 Et dicit Festus : Agrippa rex, et omnes qui simul adestis nobiscum viri, videtis hunc de quo omnis multitudo Judaeorum interpellavit me Jerosolymis, petentes et acclamantes non oportere eum vivere amplius.
And Festus saith: King Agrippa and all ye men who are here present with us, you see this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews dealt with me at Jerusalem, requesting and crying out that he ought not to live any longer.
Καί φησιν ὁ Φῆστος, Ἀγρίππα βασιλεῦ, καὶ πάντες οἱ συμπαρόντες ἡμῖν ἄνδρες, θεωρεῖτε τοῦτον περὶ οὗ πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἐνέτυχόν μοι ἔν τε Ἱεροσολύμοις καὶ ἐνθάδε, ἐπιβοῶντες μὴ δεῖν ζῇν αὐτὸν μηκέτι."
25:25 Ego vere comperi nihil dignum morte eum admisisse. Ipso autem hoc appellante ad Augustum, judicavi mittere.
Yet have I found nothing that he hath committed worthy of death. But forasmuch as he himself hath appealed to Augustus, I have determined to send him.
Ἐγὼ δὲ καταλαβόμενος μηδὲν ἄξιον θανάτου αὐτὸν πεπραχέναι, καὶ αὐτοῦ δὲ τούτου ἐπικαλεσαμένου τὸν Σεβαστόν, ἔκρινα πέμπειν αὐτόν."
25:26 De quo quid certum scribam domino, non habeo. Propter quod produxi eum ad vos, et maxime ad te, rex Agrippa, ut interrogatione facta habeam quid scribam.
*H Of whom I have nothing certain to write to my lord. For which cause, I have brought him forth before you, and especially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, examination being made, I may have what to write.


Ver. 26. To my lord. This was a title the emperors afterwards took, but which Augustus and Tiberius are said by Pliny, in his epistle to Trajan, and by Tertullian, to have refused, as too assuming and too high, ut nimis sublimem atque gloriosum. This was perhaps done, that none might bear the title at a time when the Lord of lords was to appear on the earth. Tirinus. — Whilst we can approve and admire the motives which actuated the emperors in refusing this title, we cannot go the lengths which some modern enthusiasts do, (mostly Americans, quakers, &c.) who pretend it is blasphemy to call a mortal man a lord, as if that name were incommunicable to any but the Creator of the universe. Whence they derive this article of faith it will not be easy for us to guess; certainly not from Scripture, in which the word Dominus or Lord, applied to man, occurs almost as frequently as King. Certainly not from our Saviour's words, who give both himself and others this title, (Mark xiv. 14. et alibi passim) nor from S. Paul's doctrine, who also uses this word indiscriminately through his epistles, Gal. iv. 1. Eph. vi. v. &c. Hence we are justified in retaining this practice, in opposition to their cavils; and in treating that opinion as superstitious and void of foundation, which makes it a necessary part of religion to use no titles. A.

Περὶ οὗ ἀσφαλές τι γράψαι τῷ κυρίῳ οὐκ ἔχω. Διὸ προήγαγον αὐτὸν ἐφ’ ὑμῶν, καὶ μάλιστα ἐπὶ σοῦ, βασιλεῦ Ἀγρίππα, ὅπως τῆς ἀνακρίσεως γενομένης σχῶ τι γράψαι."
25:27 Sine ratione enim mihi videtur mittere vinctum, et causas ejus non significare.
For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner and not to signify the things laid to his charge.
Ἄλογον γάρ μοι δοκεῖ, πέμποντα δέσμιον, μὴ καὶ τὰς κατ’ αὐτοῦ αἰτίας σημᾶναι."
* Summa
*S Part 3, Ques 131, Article 2

[II-II, Q. 131, Art. 2]

Whether Ambition Is Opposed to Magnanimity by Excess?

Objection 1: It seems that ambition is not opposed to magnanimity by excess. For one mean has only one extreme opposed to it on the one side. Now presumption is opposed to magnanimity by excess as stated above (Q. 130, A. 2). Therefore ambition is not opposed to it by excess.

Obj. 2: Further, magnanimity is about honors; whereas ambition seems to regard positions of dignity: for it is written (2 Macc. 4:7) that "Jason ambitiously sought the high priesthood." Therefore ambition is not opposed to magnanimity.

Obj. 3: Further, ambition seems to regard outward show: for it is written (Acts 25:27) that "Agrippa and Berenice . . . with great pomp (_ambitione_) . . . had entered into the hall of audience" [*'Praetorium.' The Vulgate has 'auditorium,' but the meaning is the same], and (2 Para. 16:14) that when Asa died they "burned spices and . . . ointments over his body" with very great pomp (_ambitione_). But magnanimity is not about outward show. Therefore ambition is not opposed to magnanimity.

_On the contrary,_ Tully says (De Offic. i) that "the more a man exceeds in magnanimity, the more he desires himself alone to dominate others." But this pertains to ambition. Therefore ambition denotes an excess of magnanimity.

_I answer that,_ As stated above (A. 1), ambition signifies inordinate love of honor. Now magnanimity is about honors and makes use of them in a becoming manner. Wherefore it is evident that ambition is opposed to magnanimity as the inordinate to that which is well ordered.

Reply Obj. 1: Magnanimity regards two things. It regards one as its end, in so far as it is some great deed that the magnanimous man attempts in proportion to his ability. In this way presumption is opposed to magnanimity by excess: because the presumptuous man attempts great deeds beyond his ability. The other thing that magnanimity regards is its matter, viz. honor, of which it makes right use: and in this way ambition is opposed to magnanimity by excess. Nor is it impossible for one mean to be exceeded in various respects.

Reply Obj. 2: Honor is due to those who are in a position of dignity, on account of a certain excellence of their estate: and accordingly inordinate desire for positions of dignity pertains to ambition. For if a man were to have an inordinate desire for a position of dignity, not for the sake of honor, but for the sake of a right use of a dignity exceeding his ability, he would not be ambitious but presumptuous.

Reply Obj. 3: The very solemnity of outward worship is a kind of honor, wherefore in such cases honor is wont to be shown. This is signified by the words of James 2:2, 3: "If there shall come into your assembly a man having a golden ring, in fine apparel . . . and you . . . shall say to him: Sit thou here well," etc. Wherefore ambition does not regard outward worship, except in so far as this is a kind of honor. _______________________

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